Showing posts with label women. Show all posts
Showing posts with label women. Show all posts

Friday, July 7, 2017

Book Review: Women and militarism in Pakistan

Reviewer’s revelation: I have known the author of this book for over two decades.

I bought my friend Aneela Zeb Babar’s book We Are All Revolutionaries Here as soon as I heard about it—one of the first copies SAGE sold, I think?!—because I know Aneela is a very lively writer and an insightful observer of the everyday realities that make up a social moment. Now, I often buy books enthusiastically and then they sit on my bookshelf for years, waiting for that project which would call for them. Aneela’s, I actually have read right through!

The rate of growth of new subfields in security studies is directly related to government investment in their propagation. A couple of years ago, there was a conference in Washington DC on ‘Countering Violent Extremism’ or CVE. In two year, investment in conferences and research projects has grown apace to generate a minor library of studies that largely recycle the same information—a portion of government perspective, a portion of UN/INGO values, a little nod to empiricism and recommendations, directed at anyone who will listen. I know this because I have had my moment with this, having researched and written a short background note on women and CVE last year.

Into this discursive moment, enters Aneela’s book, a compilation of work done meticulously over a decade or longer, reminding us of the kind of research that actually builds knowledge.

What is this book about? Aneela writes about one of the most-discussed puzzles of our time—what draws people towards worldviews that seem extremely radical and even irrational to others of us? She approaches this question with an open mind and heart, and writes with an honesty that allows us to walk with her. We are in those classrooms and living rooms and offices and discussion groups that she attends, hearing people speaking about what faith has come to mean for them and how it enjoins them to live—not as diktat but as choice. The researcher listens with empathy and writes critically.

One of the charming features of Aneela’s writing is that she blends the personal with the external narrative allowing us to understand her location and her baggage.

The first chapter is about madrassahs and the new hybrid seminaries. Outside Pakistan, we get to read about madrassahs but how many of us know about these new institutions that anchor contemporary curricula in religious education? Graduates enter a variety of professions but share “religious values and a network of contacts” (page 34). These networks are emerging as significant and Aneela suggests are an end in themselves. But students grow up with religious—essentially, status quo—values so deeply ingrained that this schooling deprives “their students of the will to change or challenge all that is flawed in Pakistani society.” There is no reinterpretation or will to resist the challenges that face state and society. Rather than engage with these challenges, young people are choosing to express their values through consumerism of a particular sort.

Aneela’s second and third chapters describes a world many of us will never enter—the world of expatriate Pakistani women and their rediscovery of faith and a faith-based identity. She writes specifically of women she has interviewed in Canberra and the influence of Farhat Hashmi’s Al Huda, an organisation that offers religious lectures and seminars for women. In this world view, the “intrusion of women into the public sphere defined as the ‘men’s area of control’ is seen as leading to the disruption, if not the destruction, of the fundamental order of things” (page 53). Dress, and veiling, are of importance to this discussion. The chapter allows us to hear how women see their own journeys to faith and why this leads them to make the choices they do. More than anything, it takes that amorphous image of veiled, devout women in a mass and turns them into individuals who, we learn, have thoughtfully made choices. Aneela closes her second chapter by pointing out that before the Intefada, few Pakistani women wore the veil but that they now do, may ironically signal that women are part of public life (page 74).

The third chapter, which describes Al Huda’s apparoach and work, is also interesting for what it shows you about gender and class relations in Pakistani society. Drawing women away from frivolous pastimes into religious education and then social service (page 88) without upsetting the patriarchal applecart (page 90), is what Al Huda sets out to do. What sort of social service is not discussed here but it is safe to assume it would not be a social change agenda that disrupts traditional equations.

With the madrassas and hybrid schools as well as Al Huda, Aneela points out that there is a homogenizing drive—a simplification of interpretation, an erasure of ethnic, linguistic and maybe theological difference. In her style, she then draws the narrative to herself and underscores what is lost when such essentialism takes over. What she writes about Islam in Pakistan is also true of other faiths in other places.

In ‘Texts of War,’ Aneela shows us that when militarism is deeply entrenched in a society, carrying guns is a common dream among young women as well as men. This chapter literally wanders through the rooms of this reality—with a literature review on the role of the military, its relationship with religion, women in the military and media representations thereof and the mirror image of all this in a society where girls and boys receive a religious education. Where does Pakistan’s only female Prime Minister fit into this picture? “Yes, we did salute her but you have to understand that the elation was not there in the heart of the soldier,” an officer told Aneela (page 122). Interviews with teenagers conducted in 1999 form a part of this chapter.

Ten years ago, almost to the date, the Pakistani army laid siege to Lal Masjid, which along with the attached Jamia Hafsa madrassa had come under the sway of a pair of militant brothers. In that siege, 154 were killed.  Aneela uses eyewitness and first-person accounts to narrate what happened from the perspective of those within the walls of the complex, many of them young girls. In fact, the chapter is largely made up of the translation of one such account by Umme Hassan. The polemics of this account showed that the young women had thought about issues beyond defending the mosque but they were not, Aneela tells us, feminist because they continued to reinforce “traditional, static and unchanging articulations of Muslim women” (page 167).

This book allows us to peer over a neighbourly wall and to eavesdrop on conversations that women are having about life, world and faith, and inevitably, politics. We get to meet the women that do not attend Southasian track two programmes or seminars and we are privy to their journeys. Aneela tells us that we will see a “more firebrand generation of young women” (page 170). When we do, this book will remind us of the influences that shaped them and our time.

Coming back then to this idea of ‘extremism,’ what this book allows you to see is that there is nothing really extreme about it when you are inside that society, on your journey. It is your evolution, seeking answers for your life and following those answers logically. To understand is to justify, and that is one reason to other that which threatens what we hold dear, but without understanding and empathy, can we resolve? Will there be a solution to the violence of this historical moment that is not rooted in understanding and empathy—that you feel as you do because of where you come from and what you have been through, and what you believe is what allows you to make sense of your life? I don’t know. But reading Aneela’s book allowed me to look long and hard and try to learn something about a world that is just outside the limits of mine, but finding its way into my backyard as well.
My big complaint with this book is that it could have been better edited. It is the writer’s prerogative to spill words on a page and the editor’s job to clean, sort and craft them into a higher form of her art. The result is an absorbing text that is sometimes stream-of-consciousness—you get the gist but cannot find the point—or a structure you can recapitulate or argument you can summarise. For a work that is so unusual and important, the apparent absence of editorial engagement is a big setback.   
You can read this book for many reasons. You can read it to learn about what women’s lives are really like in Pakistan and what ideas about masculinity and femininity are now circulating. You can read it for the insights it offers into “radicalisation” and extremism, especially how the state becomes complicit in this process. You can read it for the many stories and anecdotes it is built around, which allow you to visit Pakistan in a way that other academic writing will not. You can read it for the meticulous research that is reported (like translations of original literature, for instance). You can read it because it’s a really good example of feminist scholarship and writing—in its approach, its transparency. But really, if you pretend to have an interest in gender, Pakistan (or Southasia) extremism or social change, you should read this book.

PS: Aneela, please review my review kindly!


Sunday, May 18, 2014

Wanted: A Council of Ministers with gender parity

Beyond the afterglow of an election well-organized, in a very large democratic country there are few opportunities for lesser mortals working outside the capital to make their wishes known. I've felt very strongly that I haven't made a serious enough effort to work on this issue. I've let myself feel isolated and alone. After all, what I can achieve alone in Chennai that the power feminist NGOs of Delhi haven't done? 

This afternoon, on an impulse, and urged by a friend, I impulsively created a petition addressed to Narendra Modi asking that he appoint women to half the posts in his Council of Ministers.  As I posted on Facebook:
"Sometimes I really want to do something, and I ask too many people for advice, and finally, I don't do it. Either their misgivings kill my enthusiasm or they make it all too hard to do. Today, I just did something on impulse. I started a petition to demand 50% representation for women in the new Council of Ministers. Me. Just me. Not Prajnya. Not all feminists of India. Me, just by myself, as a citizen. I must say, it feels good and could turn out to be addictive."
It's a simple petition:
Democracy without equality is flawed. Equal representation for all groups is essential and gender parity in your Council of Ministers is an easy first step. This means:
  1. Women should make up 50 percent of the members of your Council of Ministers, at every rank. 
  1. This means, if you end up with 30 ministers in all (Cabinet, Deputy and MOS), we want to see 50% women in each rank. 

  2. Women should be allocated portfolios with no gender stereotyping. 
  1. This means, we want to see women in charge of ministries like Defence, External Affairs, Internal Security and Finance, as well. 
Exclude outright those charge-sheeted with sexual and gender-based violence. A related sign of your commitment to gender justice would be to explicitly exclude anyone charged with speaking or behaving in a manner that hurts women and other gender and sexual minorities. 
"Experience" and "competence" are excuses that apply only to the appointment of women. Be as decisive as Indian voters have been, in dismissing those excuses and identifying women to appoint. 
Demonstrate to us that you are committed to equality by appointing a Council of Ministers where there is equal gender representation.
Thanks to like-minded friends, the petition is almost at 60 likes. It needs a hundred to be taken to him. 

All day I have been engaged with people on Twitter and Facebook about this. On Facebook, it's been mostly support; they think like me so they're my friends, maybe?

On Twitter, people have read this as a call for reservations and I have ended up engaging in a number of conversations, that I would like to bring together here in the form of my answers to frequently asked questions:

1. I don't believe in reservations as a permanent solution.
My reply:
a. I am not asking for reservation in this petition. I am just ask Narendra Modi to decide to appoint 50% women.
b. I agree that reservations should not seem like a permanent solution. They are a temporary measure and should be designed as such, along with the structural measures that will make them redundant. But they are a necessary temporary measure in the short-term and intermediate-term to level the playing field in many contexts.

2. I believe in quality or merit.
My reply: So do I, but consider that if quality or merit (defined as education, experience or competence) were a factor in selecting men for the same jobs, the posts would likely go unfilled. It is the nature of democratic politics that experts don't enter politics, and you don't want a Minister to be an expert in one field but able to think from multiple perspectives and imagine solutions that take many things into account.
My question: Why is the question of merit raised only in the context of any kind of affirmative action (statutory or not) or quota?

3. Women do not need help. If you believe in their competence, you must believe it will simply rise and shine.
My reply: Women need help at this moment because even if they are competent, they are invisible. We have learned not to see them even when they are there. A petition like this will at least get all of us asking about the women who have now entered Parliament: Who is this? What has she done? What is she like? She will not be a nameless, faceless member of a 62-person group.
However competent, you cannot hire a person you have learned not to see.
@Septisme suggest gender-blind, merit-based auditions for ministries. I'd go along with that if all women MPs would surely be seriously considered.

I want to thank @Septisme and @StrangelyYours for their serious engagement with this issue this afternoon.

I also read @EchoofIndia's tweets asking if this could be a serious petition given there were so few women in the new Lok Sabha. I think it's a fair question. Of course, this is an impulsive petition and not a long-term plan for social change. But the point of the petition is partly to convey this concern to those who will decide, and partly to get this conversation going among us.

Can we start by answering the question that @manekshaws posed: "Name 10 honest competent women"? Are there ten such women? Of course. Have we bothered to find out who they are? Maybe, maybe not. Professor Kannamma Raman of Bombay University has been studying them for ages, so she knew off-hand, but like most people, I would need to research this more.

So to pre-empt this response to my petition, "There are no women or else we would have definitely appointed more of them," with Professor Raman's guidance and the list generated by PRS Legislative and with the BJP's own website, I drew up this list of women ministers and suggested portfolios for each of them, based on their profession, education and age:

NameAgeEducationProfessionPossible ministry
Jyoti Dhurve47PGAgriculture/HorticultureChemicals and Fertilizers
Savitri Thakur35Agriculture/HorticultureAgriculture
Riti Pathak36PGAgriculture/HorticultureWater Resources
Khadse Raksha Nikhil26GradAgriculture/HorticultureYouth Affairs and Sports
Neelam Sonkar38PGAgriculture/HorticultureEarth Sciences
Anju Bala34GradAgriculture/HorticultureDrinking water supply and sanitation
Deol Hema Malini Dharmendra65PhDArtistCulture
Smt. Kirron Kher61PGArtistTourism
Maadam Poonamben Hematbhai39GradBusinessCommerce and Industry
Jardosh Darshnaben VikrambhaiNAGradBusinessConsumer Affairs
Poonam Mahajan Alias Poonam Vajendla Rao33othersBusinessMicro, Small and Medium Enterprises
Santosh Ahlawat57PGBusinessLabour and Employment
Krishna Raj47PGBusinessSteel
Smt. Meenakshi Lekhi46GradLawyerLaw
Shyal Bhartiben Dhirubhai50GradMedical PractionerHealth
anoDr.Gavit Heena Vaijaykumar26GradMedical PractionerPanchayati Raj
Priyanka Singh Rawat28PGOtherScience and Technology
Rekha Verma32OtherFood processing industries
Sadhavi Niranjan Jyoti47Plus 2OtherParliamentary Affairs
Smt. Bijoya Chakraborty75PGPolitical or/and Social ServiceUrban Development
Rama Devi65PGPolitical or/and Social ServicePower
Patel Jayshreeben Kanubhai55Political or/and Social ServiceFamily Welfare
Shobha Karandlaje47PGPolitical or/and Social ServiceSocial justice and empowerment
Sumitra Mahajan70PGPolitical or/and Social ServiceSpeaker/ Human Resource Development
Sushma Swaraj62GradPolitical or/and Social ServiceExternal Affairs
Savitri Bai Phule33GradPolitical or/and Social ServiceRailways
Uma Bharti55Political or/and Social ServiceTextiles
Maneka Sanjay Gandhi57Plus 2Political or/and Social ServiceHome
Mala Rajya Laxmi Shah64Plus 2Political or/and Social ServiceEnvironment and Forests
Kamla Patle48GradSocial workRural Development




The Rajya Sabha list, information sourced from the Rajya Sabha site:

Heptulla, Dr. Najma A.74Ph.D. Cardiac Anatomy, MSc Zoology; PoliticianHealth/ Women and Child Development/ Home
Irani, Smt. Smriti Zubin38BA, ActorI&B
Rai, Smt. Kusum46Intermediate, Social WorkerHousing and Urban Poverty Alleviation
Sood, Smt. Bimla Kashyap52BA, Social Worker.Statistics and Programme Implementation

Of course, these allocations are open to debate. But that is the point of this list, this blogpost and this petition: To get us started seriously thinking about appointing and expecting to see women in important positions--regardless of whether they are already famous or not.

Another friend, @Raja_Sw, suggested on Twitter:
"In the interest of women empowerment, how abt Modi first tries to fill each Cabinet spot with a woman? If none available, open it to men."Surely there are plenty of competent, ambitious women who could hold a Cabinet portfolio? Time for them to be visible, stake their claim."
Surely, there are. It's also up to us to learn to look for them and spot them, because we teach them as children how to be self-effacing and as adolescents, how to second-guess themselves.

Maybe Mr. Modi will take a second to think about this petition, maybe he won't. But I am doing what I can and am happy and proud that I haven't given up without trying this time. And if we can have lots of these conversations along the way, I will have made a small contribution to getting equal representation for women and others in the Indian executive.